Prince Daniel Kojo Tɛŋgɛ Djokoto was born a bon vivant royal, during the sweetest hours, in Anyako, Aŋlɔ State — a picturesque island situated at the peninsular of the Keta lagoon — on 26 May 1924.  He was the second masculine child of King Apewu Tɛŋgɛ Dzokoto III, who was Dufia — or City Ruler — of Anyako, and served as the Miafiagã, Commander-in-chief, Left Wing division of the Aŋlɔ State from 1921 to 1946. King Tɛŋgɛ Dzokoto III reigned for quarter of a century.

Daniel’s mother, Mama Martha Agluma Gbormittah of Anyako, was a soigné well-to-do merchant from the port town of Simpa. Agluma, a modernist, assimilated the subtle influences of the Victorian style. She enjoyed being draped in lavish chic garments.

Since 1846 — when by the request of a few Christian locals, Rev. T. B. Freeman voyaged to London and returned with a stock of designer European costumes and furniture — western fashion became a material symbol of affluence, especially in coastal towns like Simpa.

For instance, the Ladies Mutual Club, a Sekondi-based fraternity founded in 1904, authored essays on topics such as ‘The term Lady’, and as a bye-law of the club, members who toddled about town in traditional wear were fined. ‘The lady wears a European dress, the woman only wears a cloth’, once said an observant Wesleyan missionary. Style ultimately distinguished ladies like Agluma from their perceived unenlightened peers, and made them imitable.

Unlike Agluma who was much more receptive to the new western way of life, Daniel’s father, King Tɛŋgɛ Dzokoto III, was a rather ultra-conservative Aŋlɔ traditionalist, and a staunch anti-imperialist for that matter. King Tɛŋgɛ Dzokoto III, for instance, viewed British fashion as a gradual infiltration of European ideas and standards of decency into Aŋlɔ culture. While Agluma was more concerned about matters of etiquette and fashion, King Apewu Tɛŋgɛ Dzokoto III focused his energies on the families’ mercantilist interest within the Aŋlɔ State.

In 1932, Daniel’s parents, after a long tussle about cultural values, finally arrived at a compromise and decided to send the young Prince to the African Methodist Episcopal Zion School, at Simpa, for his elementary education. The A. M. E. Zion School was an entirely African-owned institution — administered by gifted intellectuals, such as Samuel Richard Brew Attoh Ahuma and James Emmanuel Kwegyir Aggrey — with a focus on African liberation. Daniel was a student at the A. M. E. Zion School until he sat the Standard VII certificate examination — which he passed with distinction.

During this period, however, Daniel’s father, King Apewu Tɛŋgɛ Dzokoto III, encountered severe civil unrest and toppled a series of internal rebellions against his authority, as Dufia of Anyako. He affirmed his power through a cycle of long-drawn-out litigation disputes, employing a swarm of barristers.

King Tɛŋgɛ Dzokoto III — a prosperous concessionaire and plantation owner — harnessed a secret fraternity of clandestine operatives, and committed a lot of the families’ coffers towards keeping his loyalists exceedingly incentivised. To exert absolute control over his principality, and discreetly settle vendettas, he ensured their arsenal never lacked.

A saintly figure of incalculable prestige, King Tɛŋgɛ Dzokoto III modulated the pendulum swings of conflict superlatively well, and consolidated his grip — with stately calm — over the island by 1921. The royal household, from the most junior servant to the resplendent officers of the Miafiagã’s Forces, were bound about by unswerving fidelity. Their knees were ever at his disposal, ready to bend in homage of His Royal Highness. This earned him the title ‘Defender of the Dynasty’. He further laid a firm foundation for the establishment of the Dufiafe, or the local government, to preserve the long-term political order of the island and the prestige of the throne.

Upon completion of his elementary education, Daniel was awarded a scholarship from the reputable Prince of Wales College and enrolled, in 1939, as a student. During the blissful years at the green hill, he developed a life-long passion for rhetoric, poetry, and music. An avid sportsman, Daniel dedicated hours weekly to weightlifting, martial arts and lawn tennis. In his prime, he could knock a punching bag clean off its swivel. In 1946, King Tɛŋgɛ Dzokoto III, Daniel’s father, passed on.

Prince D. K. T. Djokoto later joined the post-secondary department of the Prince of Wales College, in 1947, to train as a teacher. Fully qualified for employment in the colonial economy, he was retained by the Prince of Wales College, as a teacher, for about a year.

During this period, a group of chivalrous soldiers, the Ex-Servicemen’s Union, led by B. E. A. Tamakloe, assembled at the Palladium Cinema, Accra on February 20, 1948 to instigate the scorned market women and glum men unable to cater for their famishing households.  28 February 1948 marked the genesis of a new political order. The Ex-Servicemen took a conscious decision to renege on their agreement with the colonial government to tread along a prescribed route. Instead, the fuming revolutionaries marched towards the Christiansborg castle. The police resorted to tear-gas and sprayed a round of bullets at the rebels. Three of them died. In total, 29 died and 237 were injured.

In October, 1948, Daniel began to read the Classics, at the Prince of Wales College, under the tutelage of Professor P. Guerrey. He also encountered, during a short trip, a pretty young lady named Agatha Quansah, in Winneba — formerly referred to as Simpa — where she resided with her maternal uncle, Mr Joseph Wellington Taylor.

Komla ‘Afro Gbede’ Agbeli Gbedemah, a confidante of Nkrumah, who was to be later elected to the Legislative Assembly to represent Keta, began to impress upon Prince D. K. T. Djokoto, the ideals of a modern fully autonomous democratic Republic. They were both old boys of the Prince of Wales College — and, as indigenes of Anyako, Gbedemah was the Aŋlɔ Prince’s subject.

Komla Agbeli Gbedemah of Anyako — born on 17 June 1913 at Warri, Nigeria — was a revolutionary youth activist and an iconic statesman who, as a prominent political architect of both pre-colonial and postcolonial Ghana, played a pivotal role in nation-building and shaped the political landscape of our Republic for decades, until he was an octogenarian.

He is widely recognised as the mastermind who propelled the image of Kwame Nkrumah — the father of Pan-Africanism — to national attention. Gbedemah understood the chess of the old guard, perhaps, better than most of his contemporaries, and shrewdly manoeuvred his way through a muddled political arena. K. A. Gbedemah had always maintained a position of power on the chessboard until the very hour he kicked the bucket on Saturday, July 11, 1998, at the ripe age of 85.

The Aŋlɔ Prince, handpicked by Gbedemah, joined the Committee on Youth Organisation; the youth wing of the United Gold Coast Convention. Daniel was never anxious to use his clout as an Aŋlɔroyalin a diplomatically adroit and effective fashion. In those days, the participation in social clubs was exclusively reserved for those who were literate and educated. And the UGCC became a citadel of cavalier politics. But, in January 1948, when Kwame Nkrumah, a Marxian socialist, was officially inducted into office as general secretary of the United Gold Coast Convention — at a salary of £20 per month — his first act was to change the constitution. Nkrumah expanded the membership roll of the organization beyond the interconnected intelligentsia. Nkrumah had earlier arrived in the Gold Coast on December 16 1947, upon the recommendation of Ako Adjei, a barrister.

Mr Nkrumah embraced this new role, with a clear intention, as documented in his Autobiography, that he must be ‘prepared to come to loggerheads with the Executive of the UGCC if found that they were following a reactionary course’. Indeed, a few members of the UGCCs Working Committee sensed a striking difference between them and Nkrumah at their introductory formal encounter. R. S. Blay, a barrister and vice-president of the UGCC, remarked: ‘Mr Nkrumah would use the Convention as if it were his own organization’.

Danquah, especially, was apprehensive. He probed how Nkrumah was able to ‘reconcile his active interests in West African unity (through the West African National Secretariat) with the rather parochial aims of the United Gold Coast Convention’. In response, Nkrumah had to re-assure the UGCC, saying that he ‘believed in territorial before international solidarity’.

He was interrogated, too, about his use of certain ‘catch phrases — in particular, the word “comrade” which the Committee members feared “might arouse the suspicions of the public as well as officialdom regarding the political connections of the Convention with certain unpopular foreign forms of government.’ Hence, the Committee never completely overcame their mistrust towards Nkrumah — intending to pawn him; ready to admit, and also ready to deny, what he might do in their name but haunted by an evolving anxiety of what Nkrumah might do in their absence.

Nkrumah and the Working Committee coexisted regardless of the atmosphere of growing scepticism, until the middle of 1949, when he was suspended from the post of Secretary. The next meeting of the Convention, three weeks later, in Nana Ofori Atta’s house at Accra, coincided with a controversial publication by Nkrumah of the Accra Evening News, and, as a result, the Sekondi timber merchant, George A. Grant, or Pa Grant, as he was known — who had formed the UGCC in his old offices on Poassi Road, Sekondi — demanded Nkrumah’s complete removal from office.

Blay and Ansah Koi suggested he might be made vice-president instead. Edward Akufo Addo and J. B. Danquah proposed, and others agreed, that he might be made honorary treasurer. Nkrumah refused but later, in November, accepted. At the end of the year, however, the Committee on Youth Organisation assembled under Nkrumah's leadership in Kumasi, and by February 1949 — a year after the riots and the ex-servicemen's rally — the enmity between the Working Committee and Nkrumah could no longer be concealed. While the Coussey Committee was in the midst of its deliberations, Nkrumah abandoned the UGCC and established his own political party, the Convention People's Party (CPP). In pursuit of vengeance, the UGCC became ruthless adversaries of the CPP, untiring in their quest to impede its progress at every juncture.

The Committee on Youth Organisation were strong opponents of the status-quo. ‘Unlike their intellectual leadership in the Coussey Committee, who gave every indication of replacing the British strata at the top, they sought to reform society from the bottom.’ As Kwesi Armah describes it: ‘This was, inter alia, the great divide between the old and conservative UGCC and the young and radical CPP…’.

Daniel, along with majority of the United Gold Coast Convention, swiftly joined the visionary politician, only a handful remaining faithful to the party’s founding leaders. The Convention People’s Party mainly drew its support from the urban poor, but its cadre was the urban lower middle class — students, graduates, teachers, low-ranking officials in government ministries and petty traders, all of whom felt that the promise of modernisation had failed them. The poised nationalism of the urban middle classes and select-few elites found its ideological expression in rationalist, secular constitutionalism.

Ultimately, Daniel had been a devout nationalist-progressive who had matured during a period of history that exposed him to the savagery of British imperialism — but, after his affiliation with the CPP, became and constitutional progressive. He regarded a large number of anti-intellectuals living in slum, or near-slum conditions, as upstarts — and as a conservative elite — found some of them embarrassing.

These people, however, became the backbone of the Convention People’s Party. One wonders whether the large crowd of excited spectators were aware of the great contribution they were making to the history of a new Ghana. Although he deemed the Nkrumah-led Convention Peoples Party as radical populist nationalists, in principle, he disagreed with the recommendations by the Coussey Report on Constitutional Reform, which he maintained vested policy formulation in the hands of the colonial governor.

Kwame Nkrumah, who served as General Secretary of the UGCC, had been excluded from the Coussey Committee, before he broke away and founded the CPP. The first reaction of the CPP to the Coussey Report was indicated in the Accra Evening News which warned its readers that the new constitution would prove a ‘Trojan gift horse’. It was labelled as ‘bogus and fraudulent’. Nkrumah embarked upon a tour of the country in order to explain to the people that their indigenous leaders, who were represented on the Coussey Committee, had betrayed the people by not recommending self-government. He accepted the recommendations on the local and district councils, but challenged the inclusion of the three ex-officio members in the cabinet and the vast powers vested in the Governor. The CPP proposed a directly elected Legislative Assembly, as opposed to the one recommended by the Committee which was apparently made up of a largely indirectly elected and nominated members. 

The diametrically opposed perspectives of the political factions regarding the Coussey Report mirrored the colossal divide between the autocratic and democratic elements in Ghana, and created the conditions for the subsequent decade and a half of domestic struggle for power. These essential distinctions of method became the axis upon which contemporary Ghanaian politics has continued to rotate.

Also, much like many other consumers, Daniel been in support of Nii Kwabena Bonne’s — a sub-chief of the Gã State — anti-inflation campaign against the Association of West African Merchants (A. W. A. M), who charged exorbitant prices for their goods and services. It was at this material moment that Ghana’s political centre of gravity moved out of the corridors of the Legislative Assembly into the street. The imperialists, who had by then evolved into matchless custodians of commerce, conceded and reduced prices. This inspired a spirit of collective defiance amongst the aborigines against the colonial regime. And, in Nkrumah, Daniel had discovered a personality capable of leading this charge.

Meanwhile, an unusually assiduous educated young man, abetted by vaults of cash, gold and property, Daniel set up a multi-disciplinary family office, D. K. T. Djokoto & Co, in 1950. The firm effectively took charge of empire-building for the Tɛŋgɛ Dzokoto Royal Family of Anyako, as well as other administrative duties. At D. K. T. Djokoto & Co — operating from a minimalist office space — Daniel’s diligent guild drafted promissory notes, financed coastal merchants, and offered bookkeeping services to wealthy merchants which indulged in the import-export Aŋlɔ Atlantic trade. With a better appreciation of the global produce market, he also brokered commodity prices for commercial agriculturist and fisherfolk exporting their raw material. And procured imported goods on their behalf.

Prince D. K. T. Djokoto, through his firm, began to restructure the families’ approach to trade and, in an era when expatriate businesses enjoyed monopoly, set out to create an atmosphere where indigenous Aŋlɔ enterprises could thrive. Royalty and statecraft are inextricably linked. The Tɛŋgɛ Dzokoto Royal Family of Anyako, founded in 1776, after more than two centuries of administration, had mastered statecraft. But Prince D. K. T. Djokoto recognized if the royal family was to endure, then it needed a business model.

His challenge seemed to be to produce a more realistic plan costing less but still satisfying the wider ambitions of the royal family. He cut out unnecessary expenses, diversified the families’ assets, and focused on improving its revenue. He also considered goodwill as one of the most valuable assets of the firm, and went great lengths to ensure the confidentiality of business associates were always protected.

After 1951, the conservative politicians, such as Dr Joseph Boakye Danquah, Edward Akufo-Addo — first senior prefect of the Prince of Wales College — and imperial civil servants, Kofi Abrefa Busia, prince of Wenchi, who hoped to trammel Ghana’s nationalist movement, would find themselves swimming against the tide.

A year after, Prince D. K. T. Djokoto became part of the first students, in 1952, to move from Achimota to the Legon Hill, at the University College of the Gold Coast, together with contemporaries such as Emmanuel Noi Omaboe and Joseph Henry Mensah, as founder members of the Legon Hall.

Meanwhile, the Tɛŋgɛ Dzokoto Royal Family of Anyako, concerned about its waning role of status and influence in the Aŋlɔ State, since the demise of the King Tɛŋgɛ Dzokoto III, agreed the Kingdom needed a barrister, amongst the Aŋlɔ Princes, to consolidate its prestige and power.

Also, a new era demanded a fresh approach to settling disputes. The family decided it was in the interest of the Kingdom to confront dissidents through court and apply force, as a last resort, only after negotiations had completely broken down. It was a relatively new phenomenon, much to the frustration of monarchs, when commoners — subjects of the royal family — sought legal representation to contest their decisions or conduct. This undermined the long-held customs and traditions that empowered royals to govern. It essentially interrupted the social framework and initiated a gradual psychological process which challenged the traditional justice system. English legal proceedings soon became an alternative route to justice.

Daniel, given his academic qualifications, meticulous nature and sartorial taste, became an ideal candidate for the role as counsel to the Kingdom. He took out ample time to acquaint himself properly with Aŋlɔ history, war studies and Gold Coast politics. He also consciously refined his bureaucratic skills.

But inevitably, with persuasion from Komla Agbeli Gbedemah, Daniel’s single-focus on the traditional Aŋlɔ state, evolved into a political struggle to unite Africa. He increasingly grew detached from his family’s decades-long, carefully orchestrated programme to subvert British rule — while still hesitant to relinquish their power in favour of national politics — and return the Aŋlɔ State to its prehistoric status as a fully autonomous nation-state. Daniel believed in an enlightened practice of ethnocentrism, in which the parameters of social connexion were not restricted within the margins of Aŋlɔ dialects and traditions, or of similar cultures in a populous tribe occupying large territory. To the Aŋlɔ Prince, ethnocentrism implied fraternity with clansmen and hostility towards members of other clans, tribes, and nation-states. Nkrumah aspired to revolutionize this. And the Aŋlɔ Prince gradually swung into his orbit. The very concept of a hereditary royal family would soon become a glaring anachronism in a post-independence democratic Ghana where equality was celebrated, elitism deplored and privilege despised.

In Daniel’s penultimate year, he was funded by the Royal Family to proceed on a three-month study tour of the United Kingdom. Particularly inspired by his grandfather’s — Tɛŋgɛ Dzokoto II — heroism and diplomatic prowess, Daniel relished the opportunity of a frontline position in the struggle to topple British imperialism. After he returned to the Gold Coast, Prince D. K. T. Djokoto disclosed his intention, to the family, to pursue a legal career. The family fulfilled their pledge to finance his education abroad.

In July 1953, Nkrumah moved a motion in the Legislative Assembly demanding that the British Government give the Gold Coast its independence. As a direct result, a new constitution was born and, for the first time, the Gold Coast abolished the European nominated Members of the Assembly who represented the Chambers of Commerce and Mines.  The Gold Coast, also for the first time, had an All-African Cabinet and a fully-elected representative Legislative Assembly. It could be said by 1954 that the independence of Ghana was a forgone conclusion waiting for formal approval, which was given in 1957.

On 6 May 1955, D. K. T. Djokoto enrolled at the Inns of Court School of Law, University of London for his undergraduate legal studies and gained his Bachelor of Laws in 1958. He then asked the love of his life, Agatha, an exceptional lady, to join him in the United Kingdom. She journeyed, in 1958, for six weeks by boat, to the United Kingdom and they got married shortly after.

She graduated as a teacher, beginning her career in education at Our Lady of Apostles Girls Senior High School and St Michael’s. The couple settled together on 552 Finchley Road, N.W.11. Their house, a modest villa, was Daniel’s home for six years. It soon had to accommodate a growing family: Agatha and Daniel would have five youthful children in all — three girls and two boys. They were christened: Catherine, Anthony, Helen, Vincent and Juliana. United by a deep affection rather than shared ambition, their marriage was joyful and fulfilling.

Agatha was empathetic; she cared deeply for family, friends and acquaintances. She had this special gift to intuit the emotions of others so accurately people who encountered her assumed a discussion with Agatha included their unexpressed thoughts too. A woman of pristine glamour and refined opulence, Agatha had a knack for organising social gatherings that brought people from diverse backgrounds together, and was always eager to hear a new perspective. 

Prince D. K. T. Djokoto subsequently enrolled into the Honourable Society of the Inner Temple and — with the colours of a crow — was admitted to the Bar of England & Wales in 1960. While at the Inns of Court School of Law, Prince D. K. T. Djokoto was appointed by President Kwame Nkrumah as Second Secretary, responsible for foreign policy, at the Ghana High Commission, United Kingdom.

Like carefully applied make-up, 1960 changed the face of Ghana. The birth of a genuinely free Republic was a symbolic manifestation of Ghanaian advancement, as the Third Parliament, exalted to an eminent degree of autonomy, as a result of a plebiscite held in April 1960, had now evolved into a fully democratic nation upon the departure of the erstwhile colonial Governor-General, the Earl of Listowel.

On the 2 July 1960, the first Parliament of the first Republic assembled to elect a Speaker and Deputy Speaker by Presidential proclamation. Later that day, President Kwame Nkrumah assumed the office of Commander-In-Chief of the armed forces. In 1960, seventeen formerly colonial African states became independent sovereign nations. This domino effect included Togo, Mali, Senegal, Nigeria, Congo, Ivory Coast amongst others. Prince D. K. T. Djokoto earned a promotion, in 1961, as First Secretary in charge of consular affairs at the embassy, and later as and Minister-Counsellor, serving until 1966.

As part of a delegation led by Mr. Theo O. Sowa, Consular-General in New York, Prince D. K. T. Djokoto, together with Mr. T. R. D. Addai of the Ministry of Interior, was an adviser to the Republic of Ghana at the United Nations Conference on Consular Relations at Vienna, 1963. A consummate diplomat noted for his erudite negotiation skills, Prince D. K. T. Djokoto insisted on liberal and progressive consular functions. At the Fifteenth Meeting of the First Committee, he strongly expressed that no State needed to communicate its reasons for refusing an exequatur.

As a trained teacher, The Aŋlɔ Prince also took a keen interest in the sphere of education and was once a representative for Ghana at the Third Commonwealth Education Conference, held in 1964, as part of a delegation led by Susanna Al-Hassan, Deputy Minister of Education. In 1965, Prince D. K. T. Djokoto represented the Republic of Ghana, together with Mr. Y. K. Quartey, the Shipping Commissioner, as a member of the Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organisation.

Since his wife, Agatha Bentuma Djokoto, did not think that diplomacy, or more dreadfully politics, was her metier, she focused on curating social and ceremonial activities. Her interests were so wide: museums, ancient palaces, culinary books and Catholicism. Yet Agatha’s role as a mother and housewife did not exclude her from public life. Far from it: Daniel’s habit of hosting official guests at home created a continuous procession of officials through her living room. She accompanied him to public functions, and sometimes on foreign visits.

Grandma took delight in curating intimate banquets and buffet receptions. Immersed in the beauty of life, she spent a great deal of time in search of artistic locations where the Djokoto household could bond away from home, or where their guest could be entertained. The Sakumo Lagoon, which was the first of cargo liners ordered from Swan Hunter, in 1964, by the Black Star Line, was launched by her at Tyneside. Bentuma was an erudite matriarch of the Djokoto household.

Prince D. K. T. Djokoto was also member of the prominent Asian-African Legal Consultative Committee, together with K. Gyeke Darko, then Ghana’s Principal State Attorney at Ministry of Justice, at the eight sessions of the committee in Bangkok, Thailand. Together, they worked assiduously on the rights of refugees; relief against double taxation and fiscal evasion; the codification of the principles of peaceful coexistence; and the judgement of the International Court of Justice on the South West Africa Cases.

After the counter-revolutionary coup d'état, on 24February 1966, Prince D. K. T. Djokoto was reposted to serve as Chargé D’affaires at the Ghana Embassy in Cairo, United Arab Republic from 1966-1970. It was at this time that Agatha discovered her flair for supporting others. She set up the Diplomatic Wives Association to meet with wives who had recently been transferred to United Arab Republic with their husbands, to welcome and support them as they adapted to life in Cairo.

The Aŋlɔ Prince was domiciled there with his young family during the Arab-Israeli Six-day War in 1967. He frequented the Republic of Ghana as a result of an appointment, in 1967, to a four-member commission which had been constituted to probe the affairs of the State Fishing Corporation. The committee, chaired by S. A. Wiredu, held 258 sittings, heard 243 witnesses and examined 256 exhibits which was presented to the Chairman of the National Liberation Council, A. A. Afrifa.

It was at this time that Agatha discovered her flair for supporting others. She set up the Diplomatic Wives Association to meet with wives who had recently been transferred to United Arab Republic with their husbands, to welcome and support them as they adapted to life in Cairo.

Prince D. K. T. Djokoto politely refused an appointment by the Busia-Akufo-Addo administration to serve as Ambassador to Italy. Instead, he relished an opportunity to serve on the bench — and desired to rebuild Anyako and the Aŋlɔ state. He, therefore, returned to the Republic of Ghana to settle for good and was called to the Ghana Bar Association in 1971.

Prince D. K. T. Djokoto was subsequently appointed as a judge to the Judicial Service of Ghana shortly before his untimely passing at the Amishadai Lawson Adu Lodge — an official government residence close to the Christiansborg Castle — where he lived. At 48, he was bitten by the cannibalistic appetite of the of the savage quiet dust. He died. Although young, grandpapa had taken care of his earthly affairs.

The Aŋlɔ Prince honoured the Republic he loved so much. He was debonair, charming, ubiquitous, and kind. He was a genuine cosmopolitan and a supporter of African unity — a cause he remained wholeheartedly committed to throughout his life. Above all, he was a Ghanaian nationalist with a special love for the island of Anyako. His legacy continues to transcend the conscience of nation builders and serves as a reminder that statesmanship is a noble and worthwhile pursuit, where it is possible to realise one’s higher-self by virtue of servitude to humanity. He was a cauldron of philosophies and sentiments that was always sparkling. His wife, Agatha, did her best to let it out in splotches rather than watch it detonate. The most supreme companionship The Aŋlɔ Prince could attain in the Gold Coast was a loyal cantilevered wife. Prince D. K. T. Djokoto’s life is a slice of Ghana’s diplomatic history.

The author, V. L. K. Djokoto (b. 1995) is a forward-thinking Ghanaian writer, financier and art collector.

He leads D. K. T. Djokoto & Co — an old-fashioned top-tier multi-family office, established in 1950 — which is deeply anchored on residential real estate; steers the wheels of rural banking across coastal Ghana; curated a historic Pan-Africanist newspaper, delicately rebranded into a post-partisan cultural journal; and finances a cultic arts and culture department intensely focused on engineering a radiant legacy.