Politics often pivots on moments of rupture, and it is in those ruptures that new political calculations are made. West Africa is now living through such a moment. The recent celebration of Burkina Faso’s governance experiment, praised even in circles far beyond the continent, has created a dangerous psychological opening across the sub-region. Whether we agree with it or not, a growing number of political actors now believe that development through rupture is possible.

A few days ago, I published an article on JoyNews titled What West Africa’s Coups Reveal About Ghana’s Need to Redefine Its Democracy. The piece travelled far beyond what I expected. The Chinese Embassy reached out to interview me about it, wanting to understand the underlying tensions driving West Africa’s instability.

This morning, news of an attempted coup in Benin confirmed what many of us have feared. The region is on edge. Just days earlier, Togo experienced similar tremors. In the Ivory Coast and Mauritania, security analysts speak of rising undercurrents. In Niger, the situation remains fluid. Mali’s militants are reorganising, and frustration across francophone West Africa continues to simmer.

To fully appreciate what is happening, we must return to the deeper historical forces shaping these states. France’s colonial system of assimilation, unlike Britain’s indirect rule, erased local political structures and dismantled indigenous leadership systems. It replaced them with an administrative order that created long-term dependence. Britain preserved fragments of traditional authority while France eradicated them. The result was not nation-building but identity erosion. Colonial power extracted resources and drained cultural foundations. This left many francophone states without resilient internal systems after independence.

This legacy explains why the region remains fragile today. Thinkers such as Aime Cesaire, Leopold Sedar Senghor, and Cheikh Anta Diop were pushed into the intellectual struggle of Negritude precisely because assimilation left Africans searching for dignity. The deeper wound remains unresolved. States without firm indigenous legitimacy are easily shaken.

What we are witnessing today in francophone West Africa is not random chaos. It is the return of unresolved history. France positioned its former colonies in quiet competition for decades while they battled for autonomy. These tensions have now resurfaced with force. From Mali to Burkina Faso, from Niger to Chad, the sub-region has reached a breaking point. The revolt is political, but its roots are historical, cultural, and psychological.

Ghana must take this moment seriously. Instability is contagious. Geography does not protect us from the consequences of regional upheaval. The fact that so many attempted coups have emerged in such a short period, Benin today and Togo a few days ago, with persistent threats across the Sahel, signals a dangerous pattern. Ghana’s security apparatus must be alert. Our borders must be tightened. Our intelligence systems must be proactive and not reactive.

This is also a moment of introspection. Ghana’s democracy is now surrounded by turbulence. Yet the same ECOWAS that is supposed to safeguard regional stability has become politically compromised and largely ineffective. It is unable to address the crisis with credibility. As a result, francophone West Africa is reconfiguring itself, forming new alliances, and renegotiating sovereignty on its own terms.

If they choose to redefine their future, that is their prerogative. Ghana must, however, focus on safeguarding its internal cohesion. We must confront our own democratic weaknesses. These include polarisation, economic distress, youth disenchantment, and institutional fragility. These are the same pressures that toppled other governments.

West Africa is entering a new historical phase. This is not a time for Ghana to sleep. It is a time to watch, prepare, and rethink our own political resilience. Moments like these shape the future of nations. Ghana must be ready.