I must admit that I support the agenda, vision, and fortitude of President Mahama in his efforts to set Ghana on a path toward a sustainable future, strong political institutions, and principled leadership. A few weeks ago, the President received the reports of the Constitution Review Committee, and many Ghanaians hope that, in alignment with his vision, Parliament will pass some of the committee’s recommendations and the Ghanaian people will be allowed to decide on them through a referendum.

However, as I argued in my earlier article published on JoyOnline in January 28,2026, titled “Why the NDC Must Rethink Its Internanal Elections Structure,”reforms such as electing District and Municipal Chief Executives whether on party lines or independently, allowing dual citizens to be elected or appointed to certain positions, and related proposals will only yield their full dividends if the ruling party, the NDC, first undertakes serious internal reform. Party democracy is the first conduit through which power brokers emerge. If that conduit is flawed, national reforms built on it will be compromised.

Against this background, the government recently issued a directive stating that any party executive or government appointee who wishes to contest for a party position must first resign from their current role. Many party members welcomed this directive. For years, this gray area had allowed some individuals to advance personal ambitions at the expense of the party’s collective interest. It also undermined the authority of the President in situations where such individuals simultaneously held government positions.

Meanwhile, it is troubling that, in the midst of this directive, Baba Jamal, Ghana’s High Commissioner to Nigeria, was recalled following allegations of vote buying in the NDC’s Ayawaso East parliamentary by-election, which took place a few days ago. Baba Jamal is a former Member of Parliament for Akwatia, having served two terms or more before his defeat. Having lost his base in Akwatia, he appears to have found a new political home in Ayawaso East.

What raises an even more serious concern is that, in apparent contempt of the party’s own directive, it remains unclear whether Baba Jamal resigned from his position as High Commissioner before contesting the election or whether such a resignation occurred without public knowledge. Whichever way one looks at it, morally and politically, this situation reflects poorly on the appointing authority. Less than a year into his diplomatic appointment, Baba Jamal seemingly concluded that the unfortunate demise of a sitting MP had created a parliamentary hiatus that only he was qualified to fill, from Akwatia all the way to Ayawaso East. This is problematic.

This reinforces a troubling reality: whatever gold nugget Parliament represents, those who have tasted power appear unwilling to let go, resorting to every means necessary to return. This alone should force us to interrogate the system through which NDC parliamentary candidates are produced. To be clear, Baba Jamal was not recalled because he allegedly failed to resign as High Commissioner, but because of allegations that he induced voters with money. I find this allegation unfinished, unpalatable, and largely a post-election construction. As I argued in my previous article, many in the top hierarchy of the NDC are themselves products of the same cornmill system. They know too well that what our so-called delegate system produces is a culture saturated with vote buying and delegate inducement disguised as representative democracy.

Has Fiifi Kwetey not been to Parliament in Ketu South for more than a term? Has Asiedu Nketia not served in Parliament for more than a term? Ask former MPs like Hon. George Loh and many past and present regional and national executives of the NDC. If they are bold enough to tell the truth, they will admit the hard and uncomfortable reality: vote buying has dominated our internal parliamentary elections for as long as memory serves.

This is the plain truth. Baba Jamal’s conduct, reprehensible as it may appear given his government position and his journey from Akwatia to Ayawaso East, is not an aberration. It is a symptom of a deeply flawed system that has festered for far too long. Any committee set up to investigate vote buying in Ayawaso East is, therefore, a cosmetic exercise and a waste of party resources. The party already knows the truth. It has remained silent because the system benefits and consolidates the power of those at the top.

Those of us who have participated in NDC parliamentary elections must begin to speak with truth, courage, and conviction. The current electoral college does not represent the aspirations of the people. It is too small, concentrates power in the hands of a few, and makes those few easy targets for manipulation. Constituency executives, often under the influence of sitting MPs, become gatekeepers. Abuse of incumbency becomes effortless.

In this system, any wealthy demagogue or candidate sponsored by powerful financiers can simply buy delegates. In some cases, delegates even advise aspirants to abandon community projects and direct all resources to them alone, since they are the so-called kingmakers. Target mapping replaces genuine grassroots engagement. Aspirants calculate the number of delegates required to win and feed them money repeatedly in exchange for loyalty, while the wider constituency is neglected. I was told of a minister of state who secured his parliamentary seat by giving delegates large sums of money, but first brought in a Mallam before whom the delegates swore an oath not to betray him. He won. In this system, delegates move to the highest bidder. It is their cocoa season.

A few years ago, I remember the NDC once piloting an expanded electoral college. That experiment brought into Parliament people like Sam George in Ningo Prampram, who defeated the veteran E. T. Mensah, and in my own constituency, Joycelyn Tetteh, who defeated Hon. George Loh. At the time, critics argued that expanding the electoral college would lead to the demise of skilled and experienced politicians. In reality, that argument merely served to protect the ruling class.

Are we now to argue that Sam George has turned out to be a failed Member of Parliament? If the NDC is genuinely committed to helping President Mahama transform Ghana and build strong institutions, then this is the moment for the party to reinvent itself. There is no justification for retaining a delegate system in internal elections. Every registered party member, in every nook and cranny, must be allowed to participate. This will dilute the influence of power brokers, weaken the grip of political financiers, and restore legitimacy to party democracy.

We must begin now, lest our enemies continue to mock us.